Tianjinese Tone Sandhi in Action:A Role for Stress & Metrics in Mandarin
【摘要】：正 In this paper I present evidence from read speech by a Tianjin native to show that Tianjin Mandarin tone sandhi does not apply systematically in four environments: 1) under emphatic stress on both syllables of a disyllabic word, in which case both underlying tone values surface; 2) post and pre-accentually in small phrases, in which case neither sandhi nor underlying tone values surface, all syllables being uttered with a uniformly flat low register pitch; 3) under emphatic stress on the rightmost tone sandhi trigger syllable, in which case the preceding target syllable may undergo anticipatory co-articulation instead of receiving its tone sandhi value; and 4) under emphatic stress on the leftmost target tone saadhi syllable, in which case the following trigger syllable loses its tone via 2). I suggest that Tianjin tone sandhi changes disyllabic contours so as isolate a H tone at the syllable-internal boundary between the two syllables, the H constrained to being realized on first or second syllable dependent on preserving tonemic structure of the rightmost trigger syllable. The H tone at mis position thus serves to identify words and phrases which are within the portion of an utterance that is broadly focused, as opposed to being either emphasized or de-emphasized as in 1-4 above. This discourse function is similar to that of syllables marked to receive lexical and phrasal in English and other non-tonal lexical stress languages.